Democratic hypocrisy – the tendency for citizens to express support for democratic norms in the abstract while tolerating violations of those norms when doing so serves their partisan interests – has been identified as a potential threat to liberal democracy in conditions of affective polarisation. Yet existing research has relied on declared preferences, leaving open the question of whether such hypocrisy manifests itself in the kinds of multidimensional choices that characterise real political decision-making. Using a conjoint experiment embedded in a three-wave panel survey spanning Poland’s transition from illiberal PiS incumbency to a pro-democratic KO-led coalition government, I examine whether citizens’ revealed preferences for liberal democracy change when power changes hands. Results show that Polish citizens consistently punish candidates who espouse illiberal views, and that this tendency is not significantly altered by the change of government, even among citizens who are highly affectively polarised. Contrary to expectations, citizens polarised in favour of the former incumbent party did not become more protective of liberal-democratic norms after losing power. These findings suggest that revealed preferences for liberal democracy are more stable than theories of democratic hypocrisy would predict, but also that democratic restoration cannot rely on a natural correction in public attitudes following a change of government.
This study investigated the language expertise hypothesis on mouth-looking in toddlerhood and explored potential culture and sex effects. Polish and Norwegian 18- and-24-month-olds (N = 101; 44.55% females; data collected 2022–2024) viewed a speaker telling a story in familiar and unfamiliar languages. Toddlers showed more mouth-than-eyes looking across age groups, suggesting more mouth interest. They also showed greater mouth-looking in familiar languages, indicating language familiarity effects. Toddlers with larger vocabularies showed more mouth-looking in unfamiliar languages, possibly seeking helpful phonological-visual cues. These data show that mouth-looking continues supporting language development in toddlerhood in ways related to prior language experience. Exploratory analyses showed important differences in language acquisition and mouth-looking by language or culture and sex; potential mechanisms for such effects are discussed.
The purpose of this article is to present selected aspects of threats appearing in social media that may lead to a violation of a child’s safety and, as a result, harm their well-being. The article focuses on violations committed by the parents of minors. The intensity and scale of these violations may lead to abuse of parental authority and require specific action to be taken. The article also discusses examples of legal solutions that strengthen child safety on social media. A formal-dogmatic method was used, both analytically and
synthetically, while also employing well-known methods of legal interpretation (linguistic, systemic, functional, and logical), and, to a limited extent, comparative law.
In December 2024, in a sweeping military campaign, the HTS overran several government strongholds in Syria and took Damascus, installing a transitional government and creating new institutions. According to Huntington’s model, this was a replacement transition which did not require the new rulers to negotiate a transitional agreement with the incumbent government. In this article, we argue that the HTS leadership nevertheless cannot freely choose among the available options of transitional justice, but instead is constrained by external and domestic factors, which are already about to push the new government into the direction of restorative and symbolic transitional justice measures. In view of Syria’s dire economic conditions, redistributive victim-centered justice is just as unlikely as harsh and broad punishment for perpetrators of past human rights abuses. The latter would be severely hampered by the new rulers’ rule-of-law commitments and the weakness of the post-al-Asad judiciary.
Pozostałe osiągnięcia naukoweArtykuły (zamknięty dostęp)Journal article
Published claims should be reproducible, yielding the same result when the same analysis is applied to the same data. Here we assess reproducibility in a stratified random sample of 600 papers published from 2009 to 2018 in 62 journals spanning the social and behavioural sciences. The authors of 144 (24.0%, 95% confidence interval (CI) = 20.8–27.6%) papers made data available to assess reproducibility and, for 38 others, we obtained source data to reconstruct the dataset. We assessed 143 out of the 182 available datasets and found that 76.6 (53.6%, 95% CI = 45.8–60.7%) papers were rated as precisely reproducible and 105.0 (73.5%, 95% CI = 66.4–80.0%) were rated as at least approximately reproducible (within 15% of the original effects or within 0.05 of original P values) after inverse weighting each of the 551 claims by the number of claims per paper. We observed higher reproducibility for papers from political science and economics compared with other fields, for more recent papers compared with older papers and for papers from journals that require data sharing. Implementation of measures to verify that research is reproducible is needed to support trustworthiness in the complex enterprise of knowledge production.
